Reports are that women and children were the worst affected by the force of the December 2004 tsunami (Oxfam, 2005). Children were disproportionably affected because they are small and are often dependent on adults, and many women died trying to care for their children and other family members. In Sri Lanka, the second wave of brutality affecting women is not from a natural source; it is caused from an increase in incidents of rape and domestic violence. Compounding the effects of violence is the lack of food and clean water, housing, and health care specific to the needs of women, many of whom are pregnant, lactating and caring for infants. ^{(See footnote 1)}

In August 2004, UNHCR launched a report entitled Sexual and Gender Based Violence in Selected Locations in Sri Lanka. The study was conducted in 12 sites across Sri Lanka and identified a high incidence of Sexual and Gender Based Violence, particularly domestic violence, of which 80% is unreported to authorities. The destruction of infrastructure and the lack of effective mechanisms for monitoring and protection in the post-tsunami context would almost certainly increase the vulnerability of women to Sexual and Gender Based Violence. Incidents of rape, gang rape, molestation and physical abuse of women and girls in the course of unsupervised rescue operations and while in temporary shelters have been reported (Pikul, 2005). Unfortunately, these reports are consistent with literature linking disaster with increased incidence of Sexual and Gender Based Violence (Enarson, 2000, 1998).

A number of women’s groups in Sri Lanka undertook fact-finding missions within the days following the Tsunami. The groups reported a culture of denial among some camp committees, medical staff, police and religious leaders. They cited comments about domestic violence, which ranged from “this is normal” to outright denial that any sexual violence against women was occurring. In cases where rape and sexual violence was acknowledged it tended to be blamed on outsiders, often on drug addicts and criminals.

In January 2005 the newly formed Sri Lankan women’s Coalition for Assisting Tsunami Affected Women (CATAW) and the UNFPA requested training for women community workers to support their work towards immediate and long-term responses for women and children. Working on behalf of UNFPA, part funded by AUSTCARE, and in collaboration with women’s groups in Sri Lanka, Eileen Pittaway and Linda Bartolomei from the University of New South Wales (and co-authors of this paper) developed the initial program and have been delivering the initial training.

Methodology

The program structure reflects a belief in the existing capacity and skill of women to develop responses to disasters, to mobilise organisations and to protect families and communities. The program is participatory-based, and emphasises the therapeutic method of sharing stories within a social and political context (see Herman, 1998), identifying women’s needs, documenting violations and strategising for change.

The training predominantly used a storyboard methodology ^{(See footnote 2)}  where participants identify and discuss key issues concerning the experiences of women in the post tsunami context in small groups. Groups use text, pictures and sketches on large sheets of paper to express, explore and examine identified themes and issues. Each group brings their storyboard and their interpretation of the storyboard back to share with the larger group. Explanations of each storyboard are documented and each storyboard and the documented accounts become data that is collated by facilitators and shared with participants.

The initial training was undertaken in Colombo and a regional location. The first group held in Colombo was translated simultaneously in Sinhalese and Tamil with 46 women participants. The second group was held in Colombo in Sinhalese with 26 women participants and the other regional group was in Tamil with 16 women participants. Participants in the training were community workers who in turn prepared to use the same training strategy with other women in their respective communities.
The training process and application of the storyboard methodology generated qualitative data that was subsequently used as evidence by local women at the Sri Lankan and United Nations levels to lobby for a gendered response to the tsunami disaster. Participants agreed that Sexual and Gender Based Violence is one of the major challenges confronting their recovery from the devastating effects of the tsunami.

An important issue in the training was to assure women that this was not just a “Sri Lankan” problem, but is a universal phenomenon in disaster situations. Women discussed the fundamental problem of denial connected with Sexual and Gender Based Violence, and the reluctance of some medical practitioners and other people in positions of authority to either acknowledge or report that this was happening. “The International spotlight is on Sri Lanka – people are pouring in aid. They do not need to see this disgraceful behaviour” (A comment from a Sri Lankan Doctor, reported by a woman relief worker in Galle).

Colossal disasters have been considered great levellers (Enarson,1998; Fordham, 1999), however Sri Lankan women are experiencing the converse. Women in Sri Lanka are living with the fear and reality of Sexual and Gender Based Violence, as well as having to confront daily survival challenges. Unfortunately, environmental disasters such as the tsunami affect people disproportionately. The needs of those in minority groups, including women, the poor, people with disabilities, and cultural and ethnic minorities are more at risk as the dominant groups benefit from their existing power status, and in particular their privileged access to essential resources, services and supports. Enarson’s (1998) comment that pets, tourists, and cultural artefacts receive more attention than battered women in the disaster literature is confirmed by our reading of the existing literature and our observations on the ground in Sri Lanka.

The program “Woman to Woman” was designed to support the existing efforts of women’s organisations working to protect women from violence, to identify needs and where disaster responses should focus to protect women, to engender support for strategies to ensure women’s involvement in decision making, and more broadly to secure equality and rights for women now and into the future. Preliminary data from the training project is described below to highlight some of the needs of women, as well as the challenges they encounter in addressing gender-based violence and marginalisation.

Sexual and Gender Based Violence.

Sexual and Gender Based Violence is a major cause of injury and disease world-wide (Krug et al, 2002) and frequently erodes self-esteem and reduces a woman’s capacity to care for herself and others. Perpetrators of violence are assisted by institutional settings that work to their advantage (Olsen & Scharffscher, 2004). In the case of post-tsunami Sri Lanka, traumatised women living in insecure and less protected environments, such as camps established for temporary housing, are easy targets. Participants in the program described unreported acts of violence against women, a high incidence of sexually transmitted diseases, authorities ignoring abuse, and non-existent physical or emotional support structures for women who have been sexually or physically abused. Participants also identified that the loss of homes, livelihood, community and family protection had increased their vulnerability to Sexual and Gender Based Violence.

A number of participants shared their concerns that poverty has made women vulnerable to traffickers and forced sexual relations in order to feed themselves and their families. One of the training participants shared her experience of being approached by a man she believed was engaged in the trafficking of women for prostitution.

Privacy and Lack of Services in Camps

In a culture where the modesty of women is highly valued, a lack of privacy and the related exposure is highly problematic for women’s safety and security. Furthermore, the risk for women is compounded by the fact that they are commonly held responsible for violations of their modesty. Participants identified a lack of privacy experienced by women and young girls in camps that were established to shelter people following the mass destruction of housing. Girls reaching puberty were particularly sensitive to the lack of privacy. Participants noted that many women were harassed by men in the camp as a result of not having their own private and safe space. Changing clothes in the view of men was a humiliating and dangerous reality. Women lived in fear of molestation and abuse. Female hygiene products such as sanitary towels were publicly distributed, resulting in an embarrassing experience for women who had to request them from male officials. Inadequate infrastructure, including deficient lighting in camps, has facilitated the rape of women. Participants noted that the places of potential danger for women were the river; toilet blocks (including where there are no separate toilets for women and men); the forced use of public bathing facilities; queuing for medical services; temples and at home. Fear of abuse was from both strangers and husbands alike.

Lack of Appropriate Health and Medical Services

Medical services were not adequately meeting the needs of women who had experienced Sexual and Gender Based Violence. Participants noted that when medical services were available there was no opportunity for women to speak privately with medical practitioners, and there was a general lack of trust associated with consulting them. Similar to refugee women who have experienced Sexual and Gender Based Violence as a form of persecution or during flight, tsunami affected women also have particular gendered health needs related to sexual assault, rape, unwanted pregnancies, physical assaults and related psychological traumas. Health services, comprising female doctors aware of the experiences and needs of women in disaster situations, are urgently required.

Male Dominance in Camps

As social constructs, camps had become sites of power and control. Men exerted their physical strength in order to force issues, and there was a noted absence of opportunities for women to voice their opinions and concerns. There was no possibility for women to take part in decision-making that could assist with identifying or addressing problems that placed them at increased risk of violence and disease. Women were fearful of the reactions of men if they did attempt to speak out, and the high incidence of sexual abuse and intimidation of women reinforced that fear.

The subordinate status of women in camps has placed them at increased risk of violence and trauma. The camp as a microcosm of dysfunctional gender relations in Sri Lanka underscores the importance of repositioning women centrally in disaster situations and with equal status and power within the broader society. Pragmatically, the wellbeing of women extends beyond the half population they represent because they are also most often responsible for the care of children and older people. From a human rights perspective, women have the same rights to ‘life, liberty and person’ as men, including protection from discrimination. Rape and domestic violence are human rights violations.